Sözler
Kart yapmak için en fazla altı dize seç.
It is not easy to write with feigned calm and dispassion about the events that unfolded in East Timor in 1999. Horror and shame are compounded by the fact that the crimes are so familiar and could so easily have been terminated. That has been true ever since Indonesia invaded in December 1975, relying on U.S. diplomatic support and arms -- used illegally, but with secret authorisation, even new ar
The latest chapter in this painful story of betrayal and complicity opened after the referendum of August 30, 1999, when the population voted overwhelmingly for independence. Atrocities mounted sharply, organised and directed by the Indonesian military (TNI). The UN Assistance Mission (UNAMET) gave its appraisal on September 11:
"The evidence for a direct link between the militia and the military is beyond any dispute and has been overwhelmingly documented by UNAMET over the last four months. But the scale and thoroughness of the destruction of East Timor in the past week has demonstrated a new level of open participation of the military in the implementation of what was previously a more veiled operation."
The Mission warned that "the worst may be yet to come... It cannot be ruled out that these are the first stages of a genocidal campaign to stamp out the East Timorese problem by force."[1]
Indonesia historian John Roosa, an official observer of the vote, described the situation starkly: "Given that the pogrom was so predictable, it was easily preventable... But in the weeks before the ballot, the Clinton Administration refused to discuss with Australia and other countries the formation of [an international force]. Even after the violence erupted, the Administration dithered for days
These recent events should evoke bitter memories among those who do not prefer what has sometimes been called 'intentional ignorance'.[3] They were a shameful replay of events of 20 years earlier. After carrying out a huge slaughter in 1977-78 with the support of the Carter Administration, the regime of General Suharto felt confident enough to permit a brief visit by members of the Jakarta diploma
While Clinton followed suit from February through August of 1999, the Indonesian military implemented a scarcely-veiled campaign of terror and intimidation that may have killed thousands of people. And as he "dithered" in the final weeks, most of the population were expelled from their homes with unknown numbers killed and much of the country destroyed. According to UN figures, the TNI-paramilitar
By year's end, 100,000-150,000 or more people remained in West Timor as "virtual prisoners," Amnesty International reported, "trapped in makeshift camps and living in a state of constant fear under the rule of the militia groups that destroyed East Timor... often intimidated, harassed, extorted and in some cases sexually assaulted and killed." This is "the only place in the world where UNHCR worke
To bring these crimes to an end has easily been within Washington's power, as before.
At last report, the U.S. had provided no funds for the Australian-led UN force INTERFET (International Force in East Timor); Japan, long a fervent supporter of Indonesia, offered $100 million and Portugal $5 million. That is perhaps not surprising, in the light of Washington's failure "to pay any of the $37.9 million assessed for the start-up costs of the United Nations civilian operation in Kosov
In Kosovo, preparation for war crimes trials began in May 1999, in the midst of the NATO bombing campaign, expedited at the initiative of Washington and London, which also provided unprecedented access to intelligence information. In East Timor, investigations were discussed at leisure, with numerous delays and deference to Jakarta's wishes and sensibilities. "It's an absolute joke, a complete whi
On January 31, 2000, the UN International Commission of Inquiry on East Timor issued a report calling for an international human rights tribunal under UN auspices. Its mandate should be "to try and sentence those accused by the independent investigation body of serious violations of fundamental human rights and international humanitarian law which took place in East Timor since January 1999." "It
On the same day, an Indonesian government Commission of Inquiry issued a "damning report" condemning "the Indonesian military and its militia surrogates" for atrocities "following the territory's August 30 vote for independence," including former army chief General Wiranto.[9] Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid, then at the Davos conference in Switzerland, called upon Wiranto to resign his cab
Australian UN correspondent Mark Riley reported from New York that the UN "is set to ignore the strong advice of its own human rights body for a war crimes tribunal in East Timor, instead deferring debate on the issue until Indonesia's probe into the killings is completed. The decision is a political victory for Jakarta, which has argued that it should be left alone to investigate allegations of a
Sonia Picado, head of the UN Inquiry Commission, was not optimistic, Riley reported further, recognizing "that there is little prospect of the UN Security Council supporting an international war crimes tribunal." "The East Timorese deserve compensation - moral and material compensation -- because their families and their country have been devastated," Picado said, and "the UN has to give that to t
Australian Asia correspondent Lindsay Murdoch commented that "grave doubts exist that the guilty will be brought to justice. Indonesia's legal system is riddled with corruption and has a poor record when dealing with human rights abuses." Indonesian Attorney-General Marzuki Darusman is "a respected human rights advocate," but "the task he faces in bringing some of the country's most powerful peopl
"You cannot have one-sided justice in human rights cases," Picado said. It is fairly safe, however, to predict that one-sided justice is the most that can be anticipated, and even that is a dubious prospect. Furthermore, it is hardly likely that the guilty parties, particularly the U.S. and U.K., will consider providing the "moral and material compensation" they owe to the victims, and there is no
In the U.S., the Indonesian government report, with its call for an Indonesian inquiry restricted to the post-referendum period, was extensively reported, and supported. The UN report, calling for an international tribunal on crimes committed from January 1999, received only passing mention, and the crucial issues, scant attention.[13]
The restriction to the post-referendum period is important for the international collaborators in the "veiled operations" that preceded, not to speak of the earlier record. Under the post-referendum restriction, one might argue without utter absurdity that there was little time to respond. The Jakarta option has other advantages: East Timorese are unlikely to testify, pardons have already been ann
In East Timor, the peacekeeping forces and the UN mission "have neither the means nor the authority to track down those responsible" for crimes, and little evidence is being unearthed:
"In contrast to Kosovo, where human-rights investigators began work as NATO forces took control on the ground, the UN in East Timor has no such capability."[14] "Meanwhile, in East Timor, the evidence of crimes against humanity -- and so the chance of successful prosecutions -- is literally rotting away because of inadequate resources." UN civilian police are finding many bodies and mass graves, b
The delays ensure that little will be found, even if forensic experts are ultimately sent. Much of the evidence was destroyed by TNI, bodies have been buried by local people, and more will be washed away or eaten by animals, Australian doctor Andrew McNaughtan informed the press, giving details; he has worked in East Timor for 7 years. Isabel Ferreira, who coordinates the East Timor Human Rights C
The distinction between the two most prominent atrocities of 1999 is clear. In Kosovo, there was a desperate need for Tribunal indictment (for crimes committed after the bombing began, as the indictment reveals); and "proving the scale of the crimes is also important to NATO politically, to show why 78 days of airstrikes against Serbian forces and infrastructure were necessary," by the intriguing
Though Jakarta had indeed considered East Timor to be "its sovereign territory," nevertheless no actual issue of sovereignty arose in this case, as distinct from Kosovo, which the U.S. and its allies insist must be under the sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (specifically Serbia), probably out of fear of a "greater Albania." Even Australia, the one Western country to have granted d
In the light of the absence of any legitimate claim to sovereignty, and the refusal to send peacekeeping forces until after the Indonesian generals agreed to withdraw, having at last been informed by Washington that the game was over, the term "intervention" is out of place. A fortiori, the issue of "humanitarian intervention" does not arise, though this is one of the rare cases when it is possibl
As TNI forces and their paramilitaries were burning down the capital city of Dili in September 1999, murdering and rampaging with renewed intensity, the Pentagon announced that "A U.S.-Indonesian training exercise focused on humanitarian and disaster relief activities concluded Aug. 25," five days before the referendum.[19] The lessons were quickly applied in a familiar way, as all but the volunta
One gruesome illustration was the coup that brought General Suharto to power in 1965. Army-led massacres slaughtered hundreds of thousands in a few months, mostly landless peasants, destroying the mass-based political party of the left, the PKI, in "one of the worst mass murders of the 20th century," the CIA concluded, ranking with "the Soviet purges of the 1930s, the Nazi mass murders during the
The U.S. is a global power, and policies tend to be consistent worldwide. Not surprisingly, at the same time the same planners were helping to institute murderous military terror states elsewhere, on the principle, explained by McNamara to National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy, that it is the task of the military to remove civilian leaders from office "whenever, in the judgment of the military,
So matters continued in Indonesia for three decades of military aid, training, and friendly interaction with the great mass murderer and torturer who was "at heart benign," the London Economist explained, unfairly condemned by "propagandists for the guerrillas" in East Timor and West Papua (Irian Jaya) who "talk of the army's savagery and use of torture." The unnamed propagandists were the major h
Direct U.S. support for Indonesian occupation forces in East Timor was hampered after they massacred several hundred people in Dili in 1991. In reaction, Congress banned small arms sales and cut off funds for military training, compelling the Clinton Administration to resort to some intricate maneuvers to evade the legislative restrictions. The State Department commemorated the anniversary of the
Government-approved weapons sales come to over $1 billion since the 1975 invasion, including $150 million during the Clinton years; government-licensed sales of armaments increased from $3.3 million to $16.3 million from fiscal 1997 to 1998.[25] As atrocities peaked in 1977-78, the U.K., France, and others joined the U.S. in providing arms for the killers as well as diplomatic protection. Britain'
These are altogether unsurprising illustrations of the new humanism, a grand new era in world affairs led by the United States, now "at the height of its glory,"[27] and its British partner.
In 1997 the Pentagon was still training Indonesian military forces. The programs continued into 1998 under the code name "Iron Balance," "hidden from legislators and the public" because they were in violation of the clear intent of congressional restrictions. "Principal among the units that continued to be trained was the Kopassus -- an elite force with a bloody history -- which was more rigorousl
In November 1998, Kopassus forces arrived in a port town in East Timor, entering in disguise along with the first of 5000 new TNI forces recruited from West Timor and elsewhere in Indonesia. These became the core elements of the paramilitaries ("militias") that initiated massive violence in operation "Clean Sweep" from February 1999, with "the aim, quite simply,...to destroy a nation." As senior m
There is substantial evidence from many sources that from the beginning of 1999, the atrocities attributed to militias were organized, directed, and sometimes carried out by elite units of Kopassus, the "crack special forces unit" that had "been training regularly with US and Australian forces until their behaviour became too much of an embarrassment for their foreign friends," veteran Asia corres
Again, U.S. and British intelligence must have known all of this, doubtless far more, and it is hard to imagine that the civilian authorities were unaware of what they were supporting.
In April 1999, shortly after the massacre of 50 or more refugees who had taken shelter in a church in Liquica, Admiral Dennis Blair, U.S. Pacific Commander, met with TNI commander General Wiranto, assuring him of U.S. support and assistance and proposing a new U.S. training mission, one of several such contacts.[31]
In the face of this record, only briefly sampled, and duplicated repeatedly elsewhere, Washington lauds "the value of the years of training given to Indonesia's future military leaders in the United States and the millions of dollars in military aid for Indonesia," urging more of the same for Indonesia and throughout the world.[32]
The reasons for the disgraceful record have sometimes been honestly recognized. During the latest phase of atrocities, a senior diplomat in Jakarta formulated "the dilemma" faced by the great powers succinctly: "Indonesia matters and East Timor doesn't."[33] It is therefore understandable that Washington should keep to ineffectual gestures of disapproval while insisting that internal security in E
The reasoning of the senior diplomat was spelled out more fully by two Asia specialists of the New York Times: the Clinton Administration "has made the calculation that the United States must put its relationship with Indonesia, a mineral-rich nation of more than 200 million people, ahead of its concern over the political fate of East Timor, a tiny impoverished territory of 800,000 people that is
The term "stability" has long served as a code word, referring to a "favorable orientation of the political elite" -- favorable not to their populations, but to foreign investors and global managers.
In the rhetoric of official Washington, "We don't have a dog running in the East Timor race." Accordingly, what happens there is not our concern. But after intensive Australian pressure, the calculations shifted: "we have a very big dog running down there called Australia and we have to support it," a senior government official concluded.[36] The survivors of U.S.-backed crimes in a "tiny impoveri
Commenting on Washington's stance, the veteran Australian diplomat Richard Butler observed that "it has been made very clear to me by senior American analysts that the facts of the [U.S.-Australia] alliance essentially are that: the US will respond proportionally, defined largely in terms of its own interests and threat assessment..." The remarks were not offered in criticism of Washington. Rather
Serious commentators had recognized these realities long before. Twenty years earlier, Daniel Southerland reported that "in deferring to Indonesia on [the East Timor] issue, the Carter administration, like the Ford administration before it, appears to have placed big-power concerns ahead of human rights." Southerland referred particularly to the role of current UN Ambassador Richard Holbrooke, who
The guiding principles were well understood by those responsible for guaranteeing the success of Indonesia's 1975 invasion. They were articulated lucidly by UN Ambassador Daniel Patrick Moynihan, in words that should be committed to memory by anyone with a serious interest in international affairs, human rights, and the rule of law. The Security Council condemned the invasion and ordered Indonesia
"The United States wished things to turn out as they did, and worked to bring this about. The Department of State desired that the United Nations prove utterly ineffective in whatever measures it undertook. This task was given to me, and I carried it forward with no inconsiderable success."
Success was indeed considerable. Moynihan cites reports that within two months some 60,000 people had been killed, "10 percent of the population, almost the proportion of casualties experienced by the Soviet Union during the Second World War."[39] A sign of the success, he adds, is that within a year "the subject disappeared from the press." So it did, as the invaders intensified their assault. At
Media coverage of East Timor had been fairly high prior to the Indonesian invasion, in the context of concerns over the collapse of Portuguese fascism and its imperial system. As Moynihan observed, coverage declined as the U.S.-supported aggression and slaughter took its toll; in the national press it reached zero as the atrocities peaked in 1978. Journals were similar. Such coverage as there was
The first reports caused considerable annoyance. Commenting in a journalism review, Asia specialist and foreign correspondent Stanley Karnow said he could not bring himself to read a story on East Timor that had just appeared: "it didn't have anything to do with me," he said. His colleague Richard Valeriani agreed, because "I don't care about Timor." Reviewing a book that gave the first extensive
Langguth's observation is surely accurate. More important, it captures lucidly the guiding criteria for approved humanitarian concerns: atrocities for which we bear responsibility, and which we could easily mitigate or terminate, do not "have anything to do with" us and should be of no particular concern; worse still, they are a diversion from the morally significant task of lamenting atrocities c
Some nevertheless felt uneasy that while bitterly denouncing atrocities in Cambodia, we were "looking away" from comparable ones in Timor -- the standard rendition of the unacceptable truth that Washington was "looking right there," and acting decisively to escalate the atrocities. That quandary was put to rest in 1982 by the State Department, which explained that the Khmer Rouge-based DK is "unqu
For the next 20 years the grim story continued: atrocities, complicity, and refusal to submit. By 1998, some rays of hope began to break through. By then Suharto had committed some real misdeeds, and was therefore no longer "our kind of guy": he had lost control of the country after the financial crisis, and was dragging his feet on implementing harsh IMF programs. Debt relief had been granted to
On May 20, 1998, Secretary of State Madeleine Albright called upon Suharto to resign and provide for "a democratic transition." A few hours later, Suharto transferred formal authority to his hand-picked vice-president B. J. Habibie. The events were not, of course, simple cause and effect, but they symbolize the relations that have evolved. With Suharto gone, the way was paved for the first democra
Habibie moved at once to distance himself from Suharto, surprising many observers. In June 1998, he called for a "special status" for East Timor. In August Foreign Minister Ali Alatas suggested a "wide-ranging autonomy." And on January 27, 1999, Habibie made the unexpected offer of a referendum on autonomy within Indonesia, implying that were the offer rejected, Indonesia would relinquish control
The military, however, was following a different track, already described, moving even before Habibie's January announcement to prevent a free choice by violence and intimidation. From February through July, 3-5000 East Timorese were killed according to highly credible Church sources -- twice the number of deaths prior to the NATO bombing in Kosovo, more than four times the number relative to popu
The events were reported extensively in Australia, to some extent in England. In Australia there was extensive protest along with calls for action to end the atrocities. Though information was much more sparse,[45] there was mounting protest in the U.S. as well. On June 22, the Senate unanimously supported an amendment to a State Department authorization bill asking the Clinton administration to "
Braving violence and threats, almost the entire population voted on August 30, many emerging from hiding to do so. Close to 80% chose independence. Then followed the latest phase of TNI atrocities in an effort to reverse the outcome by slaughter and expulsion, while reducing much of the country to ashes. Within two weeks more than 10,000 might have been killed, according to Bishop Carlos Filipe Xi
TNI forces responsible for the terror and destruction from February have been described as "rogue elements" in the West, a questionable judgment. There is good reason to accept Bishop Belo's assignment of direct responsibility to commanding General Wiranto in Jakarta,[48] not only in the post-referendum period to which inquiry is to be restricted. Well before the referendum, the commander of the I
Documents discovered in Dili in October 1999, "and analysed in Jakarta by Indonesian investigators and Western diplomatic sources, provide evidence...that, for months before the referendum on East Timor's independence in August, it was being systematically undermined by Indonesia's top generals," including plans for "the forcible deportation of hundreds of thousands of East Timorese." A Western di
"not only the guerrillas of the resistance movement, Falintil, but civilians, including unarmed student groups and political organisations." In August, the Dili police department produced "a meticulous plan to evacuate hundreds of thousands of Timorese after the referendum," with extensive detail. The plans were soon implemented, and it would be most surprising if they were not known at least in a
Citing diplomatic, church and militia sources, the Australian press had reported in July 1999 that "that hundreds of modern assault rifles, grenades and mortars are being stockpiled, ready for use if the autonomy option is rejected at the ballot box." It warned that the army-run militias might be planning a violent takeover of much of the territory if, despite the terror, the popular will would be
The sordid history should be viewed against the background of U.S.-Indonesia relations in the postwar era.[52] The rich resources of the archipelago, and its critical strategic location, guaranteed it a central role in U.S. global planning. These factors lie behind U.S. efforts 40 years ago to dismantle Indonesia, then support for the military in preparation for the anticipated military coup, and
In this context, support for the invasion of East Timor and subsequent atrocities was presumably reflexive, though a broader analysis should attend to the fact that the collapse of the Portuguese empire had similar consequences in Africa, where South Africa was the agent of Western-backed terror. Throughout, Cold War pretexts were routinely invoked. These should be analyzed with caution; all too e
The story does not begin in 1975. East Timor had not been overlooked by the planners of the postwar world. The territory should be granted independence, Roosevelt's senior adviser Sumner Welles mused, but "it would certainly take a thousand years."[53] With an awe-inspiring display of courage and fortitude, the people of East Timor have struggled to confound that prediction, enduring monstrous dis
Surely we should by now be willing to cast aside mythology and face the causes and consequences of our actions realistically, not only in East Timor. In that tortured corner of the world there is now an opportunity to remedy in some measure at least one of the most appalling crimes and tragedies of the terrible century that has finally come to a horrifying, wrenching close.
Endnotes
This is an abbreviated version. For the full bibliography and detailed notes, please write to us at [email protected] or at TLM, A 708 Anand Lok, Mayur Vihar I, Delhi 110091, India.
1. Report of the Security Council Mission to Jakarta and Dili, 8 to 12 Sep. 1999.
2.NYT op-ed, Sep. 15, 1999.
3. Donald Fox and Michael Glennon, 'Report to the International Human Rights Law Group and the Washington Office on Latin America', Washington D.C., April 1985.
4. Anderson, Statement before the Fourth Committee of the UN General Assembly, Oct. 20, 1980. For fuller quotes and context, see Chomsky, Towards a New Cold War (New York; Pantheon, 1982). On the earlier background, see Chomsky and Edward Herman, The Political Economy of Human Rights (Boston; South End, 1979), vol. I.
5. Seth Mydans, NYT, Feb. 16, 2000.
6. AI estimated over 100,000 by late December (AI report of Dec. 22, 1999). West Timorese officials reported 150,000. At the end of January, the Australian press reported from West Timor that over 150,000 still remained (AFP, Age [Australia], Jan. 31, 2000). Also, see UNHCR, Human Rights Watch, December 1999.
7. Barbara Crossette, NYT, Oct. 5 & Oct. 6; Joe Lauria, Boston Globe, Oct. 8, 1998.
8. Mark Riley, NY, Sydney Morning Herald, Oct 16; Richard Lloyd Parry, Dili, Independent, Sep. 27, 1999. Joe Lauria, BG, Jan. 15, 2000.
9. United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Report of the International Commission of Inquiry on East Timor to the Secretary-General. January; full text, Feb. 2, 2000.
10. Keith Richburg, Washington Post-BG, Feb. 1, 2000. Also Seth Mydans, NYT, Feb. 1; NYT, Feb. 2, 2000.
11. Dan Murphy, Christian Science Monitor, Feb. 2; Editorial, WP-International Herald Tribune, Feb. 2, 2000.
12. Riley, Age, Jan. 31 & Feb. 2, 2000.
13. Murdoch, Age, Feb. 2, 2000.
14. References cited, and others.
15. Cameron Barr, CSM, Sep. 30, 1999.
16. Parry, see note 8.
17. Kyodo News International, Dili, Nov. 8; Sonny Inbaraj, Inter Press Service, Nov. 10, Japan Economic Newswire, Nov. 28; AP Worldstream, AP Online, Dec. 24, 1999.
18. Scott Peterson, CSM, Aug. 27, 1999. Also, see my The New Military Humanism: Lessons of Kosovo (Monroe, ME; Common Courage, 1999), and 'In Retrospect', excerpted in Le Monde diplomatique, March 2000; Z magazine, April 2000.
19. For a sample of the rhetorical flourishes and awed self-congratulation, see New Military Humanism.
20. David Briscoe, AP Online, September 8, 1999.
21. Cited by Robert Cribb, ed., The Indonesian Killings of 1965-1966 (Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, no. 21, 1991).
22. Brian Toohey and William Pinwill, Oyster (Port Melbourne: Heinemann, 1989), 93, censored by the Australian government. For review and sources, see Chomsky, Year 501 (Boston; South End, 1993), chap. 5.
23. Ibid., chap. 7. For more extensive quotes and discussion, see my On Power and Ideology (Boston; South End, 1988).
24. Economist, Aug. 15, 1987; David Sanger, NYT, Oct. 31, 1995. Nick Cohen, Observer, 5 Sep., 1999. For more see Year 501; my Powers and Prospects (Boston; South End, 1996); and sources cited.
25. Reuters, NYT, Dec. 8, 1993, a few lines on an inside page; Irene Wu, Far Eastern Economic Review, Jun. 30, 1994. See Powers and Prospects.
26. William Hartung, weapons specialist of the World Policy Institute, KRT News Service, Sep. 16; John Donnelly, BG, Sep.. 11, 1999.
27. John Gittings, et al., Observer, Sept. 26; Robert Peston and Andrew Parker, Financial Times, Sep. 15; BBC Summary of World Broadcasts September 13, source 'Suara Pembaruan', Jakarta, in Indonesian, 10 Sep 99; Richard Norton-Taylor, Guardian, Sept. 2, 1999. Ewen MacAskill, Guardian, Jan. 19, 2000.
28. David Fromkin, Kosovo Crossing (New York; Free Press, 1999).
29. Hartung, op.cit. Ed Vulliaumy and Antony Barnett, Observer (London, and foreign service), Sep. 19; Guardian Weekly, Sep. 23, 1999. A database search on Sep. 29 found no mention in the US media.
30. John Aglionby, et al., Observer, 12 Sep. (and foreign service); Globe and Mail (Toronto), Observer Service, Sep. 13, 1999. For review and background, see Taylor, op.cit. and Richard Tanter, 'East Timor and the Crisis of the Indonesian Intelligence State', in Stephen Shalom, ed., to appear.
31. Jenkins, Asia Editor, Sydney Morning Herald, Jul. 8, 1999; Anderson, 'The Promise of Nationalism', New Left Review 235, May/June 1999.
32. Alan Nairn, Nation, Sep. 27, 1999; Nairn's testimony at hearings on the Humanitarian Crisis in East Timor, held before the International Operations And Human Rights Subcommittee of the U.S. House Committee on International Relations on Sep. 30, 1999, in Washington, DC.
33. Elizabeth Becker, NYT, Sep. 14, 1999.
34. Sander Thoenes, Financial Times, Sep. 8, 1999; CSM, Sep. 14, 1999. Shortly after, Thoenes was murdered in East Timor, apparently by TNI.
35. Gay Alcorn, Sydney Morning Herald, Aug. 25, 1999, citing State Department spokesman James Foley. Defense Secretary William Cohen, press briefing, Sep. 8, 1999.
36. Elizabeth Becker and Philip Shenon, NYT, Sep. 9, 1999. Steven Mufson, WP, Sep. 9, 1999.
37. Peter Hartcher, Australian Financial Review, Sep. 13, 1999.
38. Butler, The Eye (Australia), 7-20, 1999.
39. Southerland, CSM, Mar. 6, 1980. See Towards a New Cold War for fuller quote and context.
40. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, with Suzanne Weaver, A Dangerous Place (Boston: Little, Brown, 1978). Moynihan writes that 60,000 were reported killed "since the outbreak of civil war." There had been a brief civil war, with 2,000-3,000 killed, months before the full-scale Indonesian invasion in December.
41. Karnow, Valeriani, Washington Journalism Review, March 1980. For these and many other examples, see Towards a New Cold War, and on the earlier record, Chomsky and Herman, op.cit., the book Langguth was reviewing in The Nation, Feb. 16, 1980.
42. John Holdridge (State Department.), Hearing before the Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, 97th Congress, 2nd sess., Sep. 14, 1982, 71. On how the quandary was faced, see Towards a New Cold War; on the context, Edward Herman and Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent (New York; Pantheon, 1988).
43. Binny Buchori and Sugeng Bahagijo, Inside Indonesia, Jan.-March 2000. On the role of the IMF, see Robin Hahnel, Panic Rules (Cambridge; South End, 1999).
44. Audrey and George Kahin, Subversion as Foreign Policy (New York; New Press, 1995); Powers and Prospects.
45. Taylor, op. cit., citing church report of Aug. 6. Arnold Kohen, WP, Sep. 5, 1999.
46. Ibid. See Edward Herman and David Peterson, Z magazine, July/August 1999; and 'East Timor: From "Humanitarian" Bombing to Inhumane Appeasement', CovertAction Quarterly, Fall-Winter 1999.
47. Farhan Haq, Inter Press Service, Jun 22, 1999; Antara (Indonesian National News Agency), Jul. 2, 1999. See also David Shanks, Irish Times, Jul. 10, 1999; M2 PRESSWIRE, Jul. 8, 1999, US Dept of State daily press briefing.
48. Philip Shenon, NYT, Sep. 13, 1999.
49. Ibid.
50. Suratman cited by Brian Toohey, Australian Financial Review, Aug. 14, 1999, referring to a radio interview "earlier this year." Sievers, Andrew West, Sunday Age, Jan. 9, 2000. Document, Aglionby, op. cit. A similar document, dated May 5, is published in Human Rights Watch, op.cit. The Indonesian Investigative Commission for Human Rights Abuses in East Timor "confirmed the existence and validit
51. Parry, Independent, Feb. 7, 2000.
52. Mark Dodd, Sydney Morning Herald, Jul. 26; Dennis Shanahan, Australian, Sep. 24, 1999.
53. See sources cited earlier, and for brief review, my "L'Indone'sie," Le Monde Diplomatique, June 1998.
54. Wm. Roger Louis, Imperialism at Bay; The United States and the Decolonization of the British Empire, 1941-1945 (Oxford, 1978), 237.
Paylaşmak için dizeleri seç. En fazla 6 dize seçebilirsin. Ok tuşlarıyla dizeler arasında gezin, Boşluk ile seç, Shift ve ok tuşlarıyla aralık seç, Esc ile temizle.